Finally, there is the possibility that Baghdad or other groups like al Qaeda may try to instigate political upheaval in Jordan as a way to undercut the U.S. military operations there. There is a small Iraqi expatriate population (about 100,000 people) living in the kingdom, and there is concern among both the Jordanian and Western governments that Iraqi government agents may be mixed in with the community. Also, militants linked to al Qaeda have been arrested in Jordan in the past, and though no evidence in recent days has pointed to the existence of cells there, it's a possibility that Amman will need to consider.
Monday, September 30, 2002
Thursday, September 26, 2002
“I don't think the Clinton team was as close to a deal as they might lead you to think," one of Mr. Bush's senior national security advisers said last month. "We have a lot of work to do to expand the agenda — and that means talking about all their conventional weapons within reach of Seoul.”
Note to senior national security adviser: How did not talking for the past year and a half help expand the agenda?Rep DOUG BEREUTER: I would ask both of you, are there any groups capable of -- any groups other than Al Qaida -- capable of or seriously considering attacking the United States today, and I'm talking about the homeland?
Richard Armitage: I think in terms of capability and virulence, Hezbollah certainly is capable. They have thus far confined themselves in the main to central South America and, of course, the Middle East. But capability, they could do it.
Paul Wolfowitz: That's absolutely right. And intentions are one of those things that if you want any precision on, you'll almost never get it. If you reject the evidence that comes from overt expressions of hostility, then you'll be taken by surprise every time.
Iran — soon to possibly be the lone axis of evil member — is a primary sponsor of Hizballah (along with Syria). And while the administration still can’t come up with any plausible connection between al-Qaida and Iraq. Here are two administration officials saying, we should be very worried about Hizballah as well. So again, why doesn’t Iran get the same attention as Iraq? By the way, that’s a rhetorical question.Wednesday, September 25, 2002
But the difference now is we have better intelligence on Iraq than we did then, precisely because the U.S. realizes that it got caught out and Israel had better intelligence back then. Now the only WMD that Iraq has are chemical and biological, not nuclear. So this doctrine of preemptive action, at least against Iraq is a bit of a house of cards that ignores or exaggerates the threat to the United States. Israel saw the threat in 1981 and had the intelligence to back it up. The U.S. doesn’t seem to have the same intelligence now prompting it to be vague and make moralistic arguments for regime change.
The preemptive parallel exists to some extent, but the U.S. doesn’t seem to have facts on the ground that will vindicate it in the end.
Tuesday, September 24, 2002
Monday, September 23, 2002
In the decade since the Cold War, elected officials of both parties — through neglect and misplaced priorities — have permitted the nation’s public diplomacy instrument to rust. Now, as we face a complex emergency, we expect this instrument to be razor sharp. It is not. That is why we need to invest in people, programs, training, recruitment, international exchanges, opinion research, information technologies, and the right kind of broadcasting. There has been much talk about redirecting U.S. military strategy. It is now time to rethink and redirect America’s public diplomacy strategies as well.
The panel's recommendatioins:
1. Issue a Presidential mandate
2. Fully implement the White House Office of Global Communications
3. Review the consolidation of USIA into the State department
4. Integrate Congress into public diplomacy
5. Involve the private sector
6. Stop with all the bellicose unilateral rhetoric (okay I added this one).
Friday, September 20, 2002
From section IX, "Transform America's National Security Institutions to Meet the Challenges and Opportunities of the Twenty-First Century."
take this sucker out and more generally do whatever the hell I want with American foreign policy,” was probably rejected as too long a final title for “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America.” Available now in “Plain English” so “the boys in Lubbock [are] able to read it.”
Wednesday, September 18, 2002
Iran has launched the first export project of its Shihab-3 intermediate-range missile. U.S. officials said Iran has signed a multi-year deal with Libya for the export of technology, know-how and training in the Shihab-3. The officials said North Korea will participate in the project. Iran signed the contract with Tripoli in June after a Libyan delegation toured Shihab-3 facilities nearly a year earlier, officials said. They said the deal calls for Libya to pay Iran $13.5 million a year for the next five years for training, technology and expertise in the Shihab-3.
"Iraq: a new approach." Among other issues, the collection offers some different proposal for making inspections work. Check out panel discussion of the options outlined in the papers here.
Monday, September 16, 2002
Friday, September 13, 2002
BUTLER: Aaron, I must ask this question. Look, I distinctly remember the intelligence information that Scott is referring to. It was good information.
And I believed it, and he believed it. I distinctly remember Scott sitting across from me and some of my senior colleagues one day, and literally thumping his fists on the conference table, and saying, these people have these weapons, they are liars. We must go and get those weapons, and so on. I remember that distinctly.
BROWN: You never said that?
RITTER: No, the conversation he is talking about, is that when I pounded on table, and Richard Butler was threatening to shut down the concealment mechanism investigations, and I said, you can't do that, what about the intelligence we have about this, that -- and he said, we can't talk about that here, and I said, Richard you're shutting the program down, so I am going to bring it up in front of everybody, so you can explain why you're terminating...
BROWN: He's not telling the truth.
RITTER: He's a liar.
BROWN: He's a liar.
RITTER: He's a liar.
BROWN: Mr. Butler?
BUTLER: Sorry, who is he calling a liar?
BROWN: You.
RITTER: You.
BUTLER: Oh, I just find that deeply sad. That is so silly. That is so silly…
I hope, however, that the president will not be pushed by his hard-line advisers into an unwise timetable for military action. We should pick this fight at a moment that best suits our interests. And right now, our primary interest remains the thorough destruction and disruption of Al Qaeda and related terrorist networks...
Although the president's speech yesterday was persuasive in many respects, he was neither specific nor compelling in his effort to link Saddam Hussein to other, more urgent threats. As evil as Mr. Hussein is, he is not the reason antiaircraft guns ring the capital, civil liberties are being compromised, a Department of Homeland Defense is being created and the Gettysburg Address again seems directly relevant to our lives.
In the aftermath of tragedy a year ago, the chief executive told our nation that fighting terrorism would be "the focus of my presidency." That — not Iraq — remains the right focus.
She probably was inspired by this Fields Report posting.Wednesday, September 11, 2002
This is from George W. Bush’s op-ed in the New York Times today. If only he were sincere. If only the administration favored human freedom and respect for human rights when abusers didn’t threaten U.S. interests. Even on September 11th, “outlaw regimes” still managed to creep into the president’s verbiage, only a day after the administration finally backed away from its unsuccessful efforts to link Iraq with the September 11th attacks.
If the president were sincere about “progress and liberty” after his speech to U.N. on Thursday, he would reconfirm America’s commitment to Afghanistan and commit to sending peacekeeping troops into areas outside Kabul. He would re-engage (if he ever was) in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He would develop a solid plan to engage North Korea (the actual biggest threat in the axis of evil). Indeed if President Bush were truly sincere he would do a number of things which he has no intention to actually do. Sadly, even on this day for reflection and remembrance, his writing and surely his speech later today are meant to speak to the nation on this day of mourning, but are certainly also meant to subtly beat the drum for war with Iraq – a matter unrelated to September 11th.
Monday, September 09, 2002
Sunday, September 08, 2002
Friday, September 06, 2002
So according to the Times, the Iraqis have augmented for nefarious purposes a former nuclear facility that was previously inspected by UNSCOM – it's nuclear-related after all. Right?
Not necessarily. “We are very curious to see what is under the roof...There are some activities that could be part of prohibited activities, but we have nothing now that allows us to draw a conclusion,” says Jacques Baute a French physicist and team leader of the nuclear inspectors.
In fact, at the top of this story on the Times website (above the article headline), it reads “Atomic Anxiety.” This is the Times creating that anxiety in a poorly written, tabloidesque article. The headline may be the most egregious part -- "U.N. Spy Photos Show New Building at Iraqi Nuclear Sites." The article goes on to say that the photos the U.N. inspectors were examining were from a commercial satellite. Editors asleep over at the Times?
Thursday, September 05, 2002
At least the Colombian government seems to have to put some rational thought behind this decision, ever mindful of how it will end its 35 year-long civil conflict. The decision, which Human Rights Watch called “A Prelude to Impunity” still stands in contrast to the Bush administration’s irrational fear of international agreements. But Colombia’s decision does not preclude its own prosecution of individuals for war crimes — which given the Colombian government’s corrupt democracy and ties to brutal right-wing paramilitaries seems dubious, fueling HRW’s argument.
José Miguel Vivanco, executive director of Human Rights Watch's Americas Division said “At the moment, peace has never seemed further off, and this dispensation will only encourage more horrific abuses against civilians to occur.” But this seems a bit hysterical. It’s not likely that paramilitaries or guerrillas let the tides of international justice agreements alter the way they wage war. Thousands of civilians die horrific deaths or are kidnapped every year in Colombia. It’s doubtful that this revelation will somehow spur on the paramilitaries to “increase” their brutality.
Wednesday, September 04, 2002
The article makes no mention of where this allegation comes from. Nor does it enlighten on how Libya would develop a nuclear weapon before Iraq. Isn't that what all the fuss is about Iraq in the first place?
Tuesday, September 03, 2002
Some excerpts:
Arjun Appadurai, Yale professor of international studies:
The International community is neither international nor a community. It is not international because, as a moral idea, it
does not exist in any reconizable form. It is not a community because it has little to do with social relations, spatial intimacy, or long-term moral amity. Yet there is something compellingly real about this misnamed object. That reality lies in its moral promise.
Chomsky predictably misunderstood the assignment. He interpreted “What is the International Community?” to mean please write a 2,000 word indictment of U.S. foreign policy:
One does not read that for 25 years the United States has barred the efforts of the international community to achieve a diplomatic settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict along the lines repeated, in essence, in the Saudi proposal adopted by the Arab League in March 2002. That initiative has been widely acclaimed as a historic opportunity that can only be realized if Arab states agree at last to accept the existence of Israel. In fact, Arab states (along with the Palestine Liberation Organization) have repeatedly done so since January 1976, when they joined the rest of the world in backing a U.N. Security Council resolution calling for a political settlement based on Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories with “appropriate arrangements ... to guarantee ... the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of all states in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized borders”—in effect, U.N. Security Council Resolution 242 expanded to include a Palestinian state. The United States vetoed the resolution. Since then, Washington has regularly blocked similar initiatives. A majority of Americans support the political settlement reiterated in the Saudi plan.



